Edward Seymour: Life Story

Henry VIII’s will, drawn up towards the end of 1546 was very clear. No individual was to hold power as a regent or protector during the minority of his son, now Edward VI. Instead, a regency council of sixteen was to be formed, supported by assistant councillors. No additional members were to be appointed, even if a seat was vacated by death.

Hertford, Paget, Sir Anthony Denny, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Cranmer, were amongst those close to Henry’s deathbed. They took the decision not to announce the king’s death immediately, but for Hertford to leave Whitehall to fetch the new king to London. Only then was Henry’s death made public.

Henry VIII had had almost total control over the kingdom until his death, but even his long arm could not reach beyond the grave. The provisions of his will with reference to the equality of the councillors was ignored, and, on 1st February 1547, Hertford was given the title of Lord Protector of the Realm and Governor of the King’s Person until the king should reached his majority, on the basis that the other councillors would be consulted. Edward VI consented to the change, but, since he was only nine years old, his consent had little meaning beyond being a legal figleaf. In theory, a protector was not quite the same as a regent, in that he did not hold sovereign power, but this was form rather than reality. Added to Hertford’s suite of titles were that of Lord Treasurer and Earl Marshal, which Henry had granted him after they were stripped from Norfolk. He also had power to appoint and dismiss councillors, contrary to Henry VIII’s intentions. Hertford used these powers to shape a council more to his liking, but by the end of March, the requirement to consult with the other members of the council had been watered down. Later, the limitation on his appointment as Protector only during the king’s minority was changed to extend during the king’s pleasure – enabling him, if he could persuade the king, to extend his control beyond Edward’s eighteenth birthday.

Being a mere earl was not sufficient rank for such an exalted man, and on 17th February, Hertford was advanced to the dukedom of Somerset. To sweeten the pill for anyone fearing that Somerset (as he will now be named) was arrogating too much power to himself, his friend, Paget, bethought him of a conversation he had had with Henry VIII in which the late king had named a whole swathe of titles, honours and valuable lands that he intended to bestow. Consequently, among other advances, Lisle became Earl of Warwick; Katherine Parr’s brother, William, became Marquis of Northampton, Somerset’s brother, Sir Thomas, became Baron Seymour of Sudeley, and advanced from admiral to lord high admiral, while Wriothesley emerged as Earl of Southampton.

The king’s nearest male relative, the Marquis of Dorset, did not receive any favours – partly because he could not be elevated to a dukedom without taking precedence over Somerset, but partly because his political skills were not especially valued. This snub did not endear Somerset to the marquis. Nor were Somerset’s pretensions viewed positively from abroad. On addressing the King of France as ‘brother’, the common parlance between sovereigns, he received a sharp rebuke, reminding him to remember his inferior place.

Despite the sweetener he had received, Southampton objected to Somerset acting with sovereign powers. Within days, he was dismissed from the privy council, and relieved of the lord chancellorship, on the allegation that he had sold offices, and had also ‘used unfitting words to me, the said protector, to the prejudice of the king’s estate and the hindrance of his majesty’s affairs’. With that warning, most of the other councillors toed the line – with the notable exception of Thomas Seymour. Envious of his brother, he agitated to be given a greater role – specifically, he argued that if Somerset were Lord Protector, he, as the king’s other uncle, should have the guardianship of the king’s person. His arguments were not without precedent – during the minority of Henry VI, the roles had been separated. Somerset was certainly aware of the possibilities of controlling the young king by controlling access to him. He appointed his brother-in-law, Sir Michael Stanhope, as chief gentleman of the privy chamber, ensuring that only those approved by Somerset and Stanhope could have contact with Edward.

Somerset’s position on religion quickly became apparent. Edward’s was the first coronation since the break with Rome, and, consequently, Somerset and Cranmer reviewed the coronation oath. The traditional form had required English kings to respect the independence of the Church. Now that the Church was under the direct control of the monarch, Cranmer informed the young king that supremacy over the Church was vested in him from God, and that it was his duty to ensure that all vestiges of idolatry in England be expunged. The oath also differed from previous oaths in that rather than Edward promising to observe the laws and liberties of the people, the people were to obey the laws the Crown laid down. The first to swear allegiance to Edward were Somerset and Cranmer, followed by the other peers. Somerset appeared to be king in all but name, having two gilt maces carried before when he processed through Westminster or London, and even signing royal warrants on behalf of the king, although Edward was of sufficient age to do so himself.